In Basque Country, ETA’s silence is democracy’s gain
Source: iberosphere
A year on from the separatist group's ceasefire announcement, ETA
is weaker than ever and a peace process looks highly unlikely. But with
the emergence of a new nationalist coalition, the Basque region is
politically healthier.
Over a year without murders or attacks, a drop in street violence and
an end to the extortion of Basque businesses. Looking at those bald
facts, ETA would seem to have come a long way since making its ceasefire
announcement in September 2010 – an announcement that the organisation
hoped would lead to a new peace process with the Spanish government.
But ETA’s ambition of returning to the negotiating table currently
looks as difficult to achieve as ever. The last year has seen some
extraordinary developments in the Basque Country, yet the terrorist
group appears to have been marginalised from the most momentous events.
That ceasefire declaration itself was symptomatic of ETA’s problems. The separatist group took the step following pressure from its Basque political support, the izquierda abertzale.
The statement, when it came, had long been anticipated. But it was too
vague and weak in its wording to satisfy Spanish public opinion or
mainstream politicians, saying that it had “stopped carrying out
offensive armed attacks.”
The announcement also called on the Spanish government and the
international community to respond to this move towards peace with
initiatives of their own. South African human rights lawyer Brian Currin
optimistically played up ETA’s peaceful intentions. But one of the main
points of discord between the separatists and the government is that
the latter refuses to see this as a matter for the international
community comparable to, say, the Irish peace process.
In fact, any talk of a potential “peace process” in the Basque
Country now looks unrealistic. This is partly because of the political
climate in Madrid, where the opposition Popular Party has frequently
sought to show the Socialist government as soft on – or even complicit
with – the terrorists, despite record numbers of arrests of ETA members
in recent years.
But ETA effectively destroyed its own prospects of negotiating an end
to its existence in 2006, when it terminated a previous ceasefire by
bombing Madrid’s Barajas airport car park, killing two people. It was
the last straw for a government that had staked substantial political
capital on reaching a definitive peace accord and for a Spanish public
that was already wary of ETA’s trustworthiness.
In January of this year a renewed commitment to the ceasefire came,
with more specific wording. But the group was now whistling into the
wind of public suspicion, and, even, worse, indifference.
A year on from the 2010 truce announcement , Spanish media tell us
that ETA has only around 50 active members, while several hundred others
are in prison. Also, its finances are in turmoil, partly due to the end
of its extortion campaign (what it calls “the revolutionary tax”). With
the group so heavily infiltrated and Spanish and French security forces
working together to such effect, ETA is in no position to make demands.
The government says the only announcement it now awaits is the
organisation’s disbandment. With ETA so weak, it’s fair to wonder how
capable it is of carrying out attacks if it wanted to.
Goodbye ETA, hello Bildu
But while Basque nationalism’s violent wing has been virtually
eliminated, its political expression has flourished in recent months.
The izquierda abertzale-aligned party Sortu was banned from running in
May’s regional elections, but its sister coalition, Bildu, was legalised after a legal wrangle.
Bildu’s strong performance in the spring elections left it
controlling some key parts of the Basque region and Navarra. This has
outraged many in Madrid, who insist it is merely a front for ETA.
Bildu’s banning of bodyguards who protect politicians from putative ETA
attacks from public buildings and its cosiness with relatives of ETA
prisoners have fuelled the anger of its critics in the capital.
Such controversial and often provocative behaviour has also dismayed
many of those who believed Bildu deserved the chance to be part of
Basque politics. But putting aside the party’s lack of tact and the
histrionics of Madrid politicians who feel obligated to attack anything
that whiffs of Basque radicalism, the northern region looks a decidedly
more democratic and peaceful place than it was a year ago.
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