Radicalism gaining ground
Disillusioned
at what they see as little change in the country's socio-economic and
political landscape since the uprising, more young people appear
convinced that peaceful protests are ineffective in bringing about the
sought-after changes.
A few months ago, a group calling itself Egypt's ‘Black Bloc’ disrupted
the Cairo Metro service and blocked main roads on several occasions.
Another group linked to Islamists sprang up, dubbing itself the ‘White
Bloc’, vowing to face up to the Black Bloc. Fortunately, no showdown has
occurred between the two rival groups.
Meanwhile, hardcore soccer fans, known as the Ultras, jumped onto the
tense Egyptian stage after 74 people, mainly supporters of the
Cairo-based Al-Ahly team, had been killed in rioting at a match in the
coastal city of Port Said in February 2012.
The Ultras took to the streets several times to protest what they saw
as the dragging of feet in the achieving of justice for the Port Said
victims. Their anger peaked on March 9 when a court acquitted policemen
charged in the Port Said deaths. The Ultras were blamed for torching a
police club and the headquarters of the Egyptian Football Association in
Cairo.
Taking the law into their own hands, residents in several areas have
repeatedly lynched suspected outlaws. In a high-profile case of mob
justice, villagers in the Delta Governorate of el-Gharbia last month
dragged two suspected criminals to death, before hanging them upside
down by the ankles.
The lynchings were reported amid a questionable absence of police, a
rise in crime rates and the proliferation of unlicensed weapons.
The army has, meanwhile, been pursuing a campaign against suspected
insurgents in the inhospitable Sinai Peninsula since last August, when
16 Egyptian soldiers were shot dead close to the border town of Rafah,
near the Palestinian Gaza Strip.
The surge in militancy and violence in a country long known for its
peacefulness and security comes in the wake of a deep political crisis
between President Mohamed Morsi and the mostly secular opposition.
Political upheaval is mainly culpable for pushing the national economy
to the brink as the country's foreign reserves continue to dip to
critical levels.
According to figures released last week by the Central Bank of Egypt,
the country’s foreign holdings slid from $36 billion before the 2011
revolt against Mubarak to $13.4 billion at the end of March, hardly
enough to pay for basic imports for a three-month period.
The increasing opponents of Morsi, Egypt's first democratically elected
President, accuse him of failing to fix the dilapidated economy and
forging national consensus. At the weekend, the April 6 protest
movement, who played a major role in the anti-Mubarak uprising two years
ago, launched massive rallies in Cairo and elsewhere against Morsi's
policies.
April 6 threw its weight behind Morsi's election almost a year ago,
after he had pledged to achieve the objectives of the revolution, if he
were elected President.
Obviously let down by him, the movement launched what it dubbed the
‘Day of Rage’ on Saturday, which marked its fifth birthday.
The protesters, mainly youth, demanded the incumbent Islamist-led
Government be replaced by a technocrat-dominated cabinet, the sacking of
the Public Prosecutor, handpicked by Morsi, and the release of
opposition activists, recently detained for allegedly inciting violence.
The majority of Egyptians living on limited incomes have borne the
brunt of the dire economic situation. An acute fuel shortage, frequent
electricity cuts and a rise in food prices have further fanned the
public’s anger. A recent crackdown on dissenting media also raises
concerns about freedom of expression.
Failing to improve the situation threatens to radicalise more Egyptians.
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